Thursday, September 5, 2013

ANWAR IBRAHIM: INSIDE THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD: A BOOK DISCOURSE

A Book Review by Anwar Ibrahim




We are here to review the book concerning Youssef Nada and the movement. We express our profound pleasure to be with the co author Douglas Thompson. It is also pleasing to see so much interest in the numbers of audience present, such rare support for a book launch.

More so the fate of the Ikhwan al Muslimin due to the turmoil in Egypt. The book is an insightful perspective of the Ikhwan and Youssef Nada’s personality. In a way it presents what the Ikhwan stands for, despite being grossly misunderstood, the deep prejudice, the Islamophobia, the natural like rejection of Islamists, of political Islam or its role in democracy.

Inadvertently, the book presents Ikhwan not purely on its inherent political struggle but the regional role and statesmanship that they play through the personality of Youssef Nada.

Nada is not the Ikhwan’s supreme guide nor is he in the leadership of the movement but he is consulted and he has his influence over the Islamic movement.

I have known Nada for four decades. I was introduced to him by Dr Totonji ever since Dr Totonji invited me to WAMY  - a real international exposure, after my first release from prison in 1976. Some may not be aware that I have been imprisoned before.

Nada brought the original proof read copy of “Milestones”. Nada cautioned on reading the book as it was written from a prison cell and the anger contained within. He advised that it be read in the light of its own history and culture, in its inspiration.

On a personal level, Nada took great personal initiatives to resolve my incarceration at Sungai Buluh prison. Nada travelled personally from Switzerland to meet Mahathir but to no avail.

On the initial tension between the Sunni and the sudden emergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the 70’s, Youssef Nada took the initiative on behalf of the Ikhwan to engage Imam Khomeini. He invited 5 or 6 Muslim leaders including Mustafa Masyhur, Mian Tufail Muhammad and others, and Anwar Ibrahim was “dragged” along. It was the first foreign delegation to visit Tehran after the revolution then. We met and stayed with Ibrahim Yazdi, Iran’s foreign  minister then. We met the ill fated Mehdi Barzargan, the then prime minister. We spent lengthy hours conferencing with Ayatollah Khomeini. We did try to press the supreme leader of Iran to engage with Sunni brothers. We tried to keep a constructive engagement of the Sunni and the Syiah. Unfortunately, it did not materialise. That initiative was Nada’s although there were others who tried as well.

When I was a professor at Georgetown University, I had stopped over to visit Nada in Switzerland. It was post 9/11 and Nada had been branded by Bush as the financier of Al Qaeda. I was stopped and questioned for hours at Dallas Airport by US officials. I explained that I was a university professor and I have to be free to keep abreast of things and meet people.

Due to Islamophobia, IIIT (International Institute of Islamic Thought) leaders and other organizations became targets of propaganda attacks and harassment.

Prior to Operation Desert Storm, Nada’s role on behalf of the Ikhwan was to appeal to Saddam Hussein to retract his actions in invading Kuwait. As it is widely known, Saddam, like Assad, similarly Al Sisi are all rogues and are extremely brutal towards the Muslim Brotherhood. But Nada’s and Ikhwan’s foresight was that they would never condone US interference in Iraq.

Knowing fully well Saddam’s inglorious disposition and reputation to make someone disappear if they were to argue with him, Nada went ahead meeting him. Nada spent hours pleading and trying to convince Saddam to consolidate his position, make amends and not to allow himself to be the pretext for US intervention and subsequent invasion. But Saddam was adamant.

To the credit of the Ikhwan, these are examples of their role as peacemakers in the region, and not as radical stereotypes.

As a side to this, concerning Syria, the Turkish prime minister Tayyeb Erdogan related to me that he spent hours as well pleading to Bashar Assad to stop the killing, that world is changing, that democracy must be given space, that leaders should not be violent towards its own people, and Assad would be treated honourably in the transition. Bashar Assad acknowledged this, being an educated person, he seemed reasonable enough. Erdogan sent his foreign minister Ahmet Davutoğlu who then spent seven hours with Assad going through in detail even to the determination of where demonstrations could be allowed to be held and the conditions. But two weeks later, snipers started killing again.

That is the problem with the Muslim world – where leaders have no legitimacy, are brutal, having no respect for human life. It is a catch 22 predicament. People are strongly opposed to US initiatives and intentions to attack Syria but how can people condone the killing of 100,000 lives in Syria. Here people are silent.
We are opposed to US intervention but we are also utterly disgusted with the contempt and the decimation of whole cities by Bashar Assad.
Back to Nada and the Ikhwan, they presented a benign face in a difficult period. There are various ittijahad – contemporary reasoning within the Ikhwan despite the mushrooming of fanaticism and extremism.

The mainstream and dominant movement is still reflected by the vision and views of Hasan al Banna. Hasan al Hudaybi’s du'a, la quda’ is the message of dissemination of truth and counseling, rejecting violence and extremism. Hudaybi took over Ikhwan’s leadership soothing over the high emotions generated by the execution of Sayyid Qutb and other Ikhwan brothers, the harsh ordeals undergone by Ikhwan members. Hudaybi’s call soothed the outrage expressed by the Ikhwan.

This book is not like Mitchell’s book which was historical and academic in perspective with accounts referenced and footnoted. Thompson goes to overview personal accounts and Nada’s view of political Islam and its adjustments.

Consistently, there is a strong message of tolerance, understanding and inclusiveness – not seen as a trait in some forms of political Islam.


Q & A:

Alluding to the issue of the intransigence of the Egyptian army:

Turkey had such an experience, an army entrenched in all of its institutions, had its share of coups but in time allowed change and democracy to take place. Indonesia’s army was reputedly dwi fungsi – had dual functions in the defense of the nation and in the governing of the state. But eventually it allowed the transformation to a viable democracy.

Why then is this not happening in the Arab world? US and Europe are practicing double standards and are being unprincipled. The US is the real protector of the army and the coup. After Israel, the biggest military aid is given to Egypt. They even refuse to acknowledge what had taken place was a coup. It was sickening the utter display of Tony Blair, for instance, in trying to twist and turn in order to avoid admitting the coup and downplaying it.

There is rejection, sheer reluctance, Islamophobia and strong anti Ikhwan sentiments. For 60 years, the army has never shared power with anyone, even non- Islamists. Experience with coups are fatal, result in the loss of lives, ruins the economy and stunts national development.


Concerning the Ikhwan in Malaysia:

In our experience in the Islamic youth movement, we remained friends and learn  a lot from the Ikhwan and the Jamaat Islami, but we were never under their tutelage. We recognized the local and regional milieu of inclusivity and its uniqueness.


In response to what a world leader ought to do in Syria:

The least we could do is to express ourselves, to be seen, to be associated with the cause, to pray for them. We make it known to the world whether Muslims or non Muslims that we can never condone killing and murder.

Since Muslim world leaders are silent, the US Congress is deciding the fate of Syria. Erdogan said that he can no longer appeal to Muslim leaders but he will appeal to the masses, the people to have the conscience. We need to provide whatever assistance but we cannot ignore or remain pathetic to what is happening.
We do protest against US intervention but what about the 100,000 people already killed.

I remember President Obama’s groundbreaking speech addressing Muslims all over the world in Cairo. It was a wonderful speech and brilliantly articulated. But I remarked then that at the same time, he was increasing military forces and continued to attack and bomb Afghanistan.

In Turkey, I am informed that every single major town is expressing outrage at what is happening in Syria and Egypt, and supporting its people. We ought to do it here.



(A book discussion on the truth about the Muslim Brotherhood by presenters, Douglas Thompson and Anwar Ibrahim at Quality Hotel Shah Alam)

No comments: