Treading the Beaten Path

Treading the Beaten Path

Freedom and the Disconnect

The late Aliya Izetbegovic related a conversation he had with Dr. Sali Berisha who was the first democratically elected president of Albania. Albania had joined the other Eastern nations of Europe riding the winds of change which brought down the old communist regimes. With the demise of the paranoid isolationist and iron fisted dictator Enver Hoxha, freedom did not fully provide the aspired results of change. Berisha described it as treading a beaten path and he himself is accused of being complicit. A quarter-century after Hoxha’s death and two decades after the fall of communism, Albania is still struggling to complete its democratic transition. It is this debilitating road to transformation that makes the common people wonder aloud whether things were not better during those authoritarian days.

Anwar Ibrahim cautioned this phenomenon which he described as a disconnect. Political ideals and postulations may not become realities on the ground leading to such disconnect.  It does not reflect the hopes and wishes of the people. Therefore there is the need for serious discourse in upholding principles expounding knowledge and illuminating liberating education. There has to be a juxtaposition of values and ideas. There is disillusionment with capitalism, the immorality with the complicity of the rich with elite politicians. Markets that only measure growth without justice cannot be accepted anymore.  It is how freedom and justice can be translated into caring and socially conscious market economies which remain true to acknowledging the people’s suffering, that is prerequisite.  Change in this aspect means that it cannot be regarded as business as usual anymore.

Freedom and Empowerment

Egypt’s first freely elected president Dr Morsi faces a huge task in translating liberation which carried a heavy price in lives and sacrifices into meaningful deliverables. The old paranoiac facade of the regime may have collapsed but its corrupt remnants are engaged in strong and powerful rearguard action. What prevents and stands in the way of a coup or an army takeover is the people’s resistance and great resolve to protect their newfound freedom. The people have had enough of dictatorship.

Egypt’s new leaders as well as others in the aftermath of the Arab Spring or the People’s Revolution have to remain resolute on freedom, liberation, enlightenment and to bring the people to empower themselves, to recover the people’s self esteem, to set them free from holding themselves in contempt anymore. Never to be fooled again by the cunning ways of the old regime and its benefactors. In the past and in recent history many great revolutions were hijacked by scoundrels and impostors posing as agents of change coming from the same regime as had happened in the miserably corrupt Central Asian countries.

In order to sustain the rise of people’s power and capacity to carry on meaningful transformation, Dr Siddiq Fadil offers the story of Prophet Musa and the model of Dhul Qarnayn.

The Children of Israel long under the enslaving spell of Pharoah, manifests the loss of human dignity, low self respect, loss of nerve and no fighting spirit until they accept as perfectly natural the state of slavery generation after generation sheepishly. This adverse condition comes from corruption of faith causing amnesia, forgetfulness, then turns man into being arrogant, tyrannical, brutal and a transgressor unleashed. Man puts his selfish desire as his devotion. From self corruption (fasad al nufus) it extends into social corruption (fasad al mujtama). Relationships between people are broken; a loss of mutual respect, brotherhood, altruism, togetherness and cooperation. On the other hand, mutual hatred, self interest and eternal enmity become the norm. Those derailed from the limits of humanity, some becoming like demigods while others are weak slaves to be exploited and manipulated.

So it was for Prophet Musa a.s. in facing the intransigence of the Children of Israel. For 40 years they were made to wander in diaspora in the desert trying to survive harsh conditions.  Hearts and minds should not be self destructed by stagnation and self contempt (al fikr al mumit) or that of hopelessly possessed slave ('abdan mamlukan).  The fighting spirit is part of a nation’s character. It does not develop in an instant especially after much rot and decay over generations. Devoid of profound awareness, thoughtfulness and absence of a fighting spirit, communities quickly degenerate being afflicted by corruption of the self (fasad al nufus) to become cowards (al jubn) infected with the excessive love of the material world and the fear of death (al wahn). We can never imagine the situation of a generation of Muslims who are forced to accept Islam devoid of the dimension of jihad.

Dhul Qarnayn showed transformational leadership in changing the way of a nation which was beset by the threat of terror from Yajuj Majuj.  Dhul Qarnayn was a towering global leader exemplary in governance. In one of his adventures, he encountered an ignorant, lazy and weak nation facing imminent danger. The people offered to pay him tributes as reward but Dhul Qarnayn refused to exploit the meek and the weak. He did not ask for his services to the nation to be recompensed. In empowering them, he engaged them to participate in the defence project. By doing so, it was an educative-sharing process which raises their own potential to perform. Together they built an engineering solution, resolving their inherent weaknesses and countering their external threat.

Freedom and the Moral High Ground

There was an online debate between two friends concerning Somalia. One advocated peace between the warring parties, to come to terms with each other, to act on the urgent need to save people suffering severe malnutrition and to hold off a grave humanitarian disaster. The other simply towed the hard Shabab line to fight to victory or death no matter how much the population suffers. In his banter, he ridiculed and belittled the Rice for the Needy Campaign undertaken by the local Islamic movement as if it was not worth it. The problem here is a huge contrast between killing and saving lives. Shabab’s struggle seems to be about taking lives but the local agenda here is to save lives. It is so distant and surreal. In order to follow the footsteps of the Prophet s.a.w., then it is not only about dying in the path of Allah s.w.t. but also to lead a life living the path of Allah s.w.t. – al mawtu fi sabilillah and al hayatu fi sabilillah. There is a major concern that if unchecked the radical young may be hijacked by extremism in the aftermath of freedom.

The scholars are influential in winning the hearts and minds of the masses, as well being important opinion makers even as symbols in the corridors of power and authority. Many have been principled and outspoken, some of them have been mute while there those who seem to be working towards maintaining the old corrupt regime’s status quo. There are those who pronounce rulings and support for dictatorship, tyranny and blind loyalty based on their religious understanding. They seem to choose to abdicate the truth. Professor Yusuf al Qaradawi has come out strongly against this deviation of perceiving fiqh – religious comprehension - and he has assailed such compromising opinions. He made clear Muslims can never be associated with evil, immorality and injustice. Islam can never side with tyranny and the oppressor. Again, following the footsteps of the Prophet clearly shows that there can be no loyalty or trust due to wrongdoers and the corrupt. Dr Wan Salim Mohd Noor has backed this position in the context of democracy by referring to the freedom and ability to choose a moral and just leadership instead of the immoral and the unjust, a choice which is only natural and definitely Islamic.

In what is supposed to be the exemplary cultural Muslim ethos of peace and justice, there are internal challenges and threats leading to such divergence in understanding and positions. In order to bridge the disconnect, Muslims have to retake the high moral ground where their centre, the principles and their ethics rise and thrive nobly above the clamour of error and confusion.

Freedom and Democracy

Some observers and skeptics seem eager to portray Islam in a bad light, to ignore or to dismiss its role in the emergence of freedom and the fledgling democracy. The term post Islamism has again coined up to intellectualize the discourse in such a manner which is highly debatable.

Professor Tariq Ramadan stresses that it would be a mistake to overlook or downplay the impact that Islam has as a source of political inspiration and mobilization in Muslim countries. The question therein is not if Islam is present in politics. Rather it is how Islam is interpreted and positioned to match challenging times.

We need not only celebrate democratic principles but look for a new model – where duties and rights of citizens matter, for economic and strategic reasons, models for societies in politics and in freedom. Without economic parameters, of stability and economic independence, there is no democracy. Without economic autonomy, there is no freedom. It is democracy under control and this is a disconnect.

This means there is no dignity in decision making and policies. It adds complexities to social justice because without freedom of opportunity, there is no social justice which is an economic reality. We have democratic principles but are not consistent in the daily realities and experiences of the people.

Dr Ramadan suggested several critical democratic principles be implemented. Education is of prime importance because ignorance and illiteracy are not possible for a thriving democracy. More is needed in education, to generate dignified citizens and not only to produce efficient workers for there has to be know how as well as dignity. Nations impoverished by war, poverty, neglect and ethnic repression fail miserably in meeting even the basic educational needs. Whilst the richer countries which fail to raise their educational standards remain mediocre at best being merely poor carbon copies of the advanced nations.

Concerning the cultural dimension, the globalization of culture rather presumptuously assumes the universalization of Western, more precisely American social order and value-systems. It considers history has ended and there are no more ideological evolutions. Other civilizations or cultures which are seen supposedly to be in the way of homogeneity are rashly predicted to be headed towards clashing with Western and US dominance. Islam is regarded as the unwitting adversary against a higher world order.

To subscribe to this narrow cultural hegemony would be to betray humanity which can be seen from the loss and crisis of values, immorality, the demeaning and degrading of the status of common man. There is no democracy without cultural independence. To have intellectual independence is to resist such global culture. It should not be seen only as protective culture because having a defensive culture is opposite to that of having a free mind.

Freedom of speech and freedom of expression based on principles and ethics shall provide check and balances to the well being of the state. They represent avenues for people to pose views and opinions freely with responsibility. They would keep tyranny and corruption at bay. Freedom should not infringe on the rights or others or to force the adoption of deviation from human norms, family values and the quality of life. Stifling freedom would curb creativity and exploration.

More are for changing the present economy because markets do not have intrinsic morality. It is the men in governance who preserve the good in society. Finance has become detached from public interests. Instead, banks and the like pursue self interests resulting in regulatory capture whereby banking and regulators interests are aligned at the public’s expense.

A just economy is not a rehash of the old neo-lib model but faith and value based, favouring common man, committed to equitability and distribution – a fair share of the nation’s cake and with the goal of achieving sufficiency and free from fear of insecurity. What is desired is not liberalization but equity and balance – tawazun – of the markets, government regulators and the people.

  

Endnote

These are only some of the strands of challenges and sprouts of ideas brought by newly acquired freedom and change. The path of the old regime has been so trodden on and so damaging that those reformers who follow risk being dragged by blights in the remnants of the past.

Leaders need to be steadfast, attain higher competence and remain credible, and the people need to maintain their strong faith and transform themselves to sustain support for the movement for change and attain the goals of the revolution. Human transformation is achievable but remains an enormous task.

Trends and internal forces of radicalism tend to cloud and agitate the situation. Pliant regime scholars send out contrary messages to the masses adding to the seemingly endless confusion. Foreign forces lay in the background deep in intrigue and menacing. There is no room for complacency.

To embark upon democracy means to be able articulate the rightful and meaningful positioning of Islam. Democracy should ensure justice and a life of quality for all.

A new and just economy should safeguard equity, manage scarcity and achieve freedom from fear of want.

Those activists and fighters for freedom in their fight in sustaining achievements may also result in another disconnect. Freedom activists and leaders can become problematic agitators if they neglect the spiritual dimension which is a potential ruinous deficiency. It comes back to a balance of things – reforming themselves internally and enjoining others externally - and a commitment to persistence and self actualization.

(This article appears in the September 2012 issue of PENCERDASAN published by WADAH Pencerdasan Umat)

Tariq Ramadan: Islam, Democracy and Human Rights

Professor Tariq Ramadan, Penang in Asia Lecture III

 

The Arab Awakening and Democracy

Concerning the Arab Awakening, media is not shedding enough light. Media is supporting some uprisings but not in others. I am cautious about what is happening in the Arab Spring if we were to look at it only from the political side. The awakening is not only about political reasons but socio economic as well. It is not the right picture if only viewed from geo politics.

I am cautiously optimistic. With the energy of the grassroots people, the young, from over half a century of being impossible to happen, but something has changed in the minds, the mindsets. It is still too early to assess, so the caution.

Europe, the old continent celebrates the old democratic model which was historically much earlier than the USA. We should come with a deeper understanding of democracy, being very much aware that everywhere democracies are in deep crises. The people have seen economic institutions, multi national corporations (MNC’s) and technocrats taking over countries.  Celebrate democracy but do not be too naive.

We need not only celebrate its principles but look for a new model – where duties and rights of citizens matter, for economic and strategic reasons, models for societies in politics and in freedom. Without economic parameters, of stability and economic independence, there is no democracy. Without economic autonomy,  there is no freedom. It is democracy under control. 

This means there is no dignity in decision making and policies. It adds complexities to social justice. Without freedom of opportunity, there is no social justice. Social justice is an economic reality. We have democratic principles but are not consistent in the daily realities and experiences of the people.

Islam and Democracy

We have to admit that Islam is not well perceived. Muslims are on the defensive and a lot of time is wasted on trying to portray its openness and suitability. How do we implement its principles when there are those who are playing and pushing the ground. Concerning the Western complex, we say we do not care but we care about what they think.

There is no democracy without cultural independence. We know that world culture is Western culture. To have intellectual independence is to resist such global culture. Having a defensive culture is opposite to that of having a free mind.

Even some leading Muslims are populists. If you lose your principles, you become populist. For instance, be ready look at immigration, identify the problems, deal with it beyond being emotional but based on just democratic principles.

As Muslims, we do not have a problem with democracy but democracy has problems.

Before the 80’s, many Islamists insist that we already have the syura system for consultative process. In the heat of the polemics concerning democracy, Mahmud Nahnah even invented another name “syuracracy” .

Terminology does matter, is important in a situation of power where the powerful determine its use. In some instance the term “resistance” is used but when its suits them, resistance becomes “terrorists”.

Qaradawi and Ghanoushi have said that they have no problem with democracy. But actually much earlier, Muhammad Abduh had said that we have no problem with the British Westminster system. Hasan al Banna in the 40’s said that we can use the British parliamentary system.

So, principles are Islamic but models and systems are historical, are open. The idea of parliament is not from a Muslim mind but it is not against it. We uphold and establish principles, then lay the models. Literalists would want the 7^th century models but if we were to follow the footsteps of the Prophet s.a.w. , we stick to Islamic principles and find the  models.

Concerning the opinions of Maududi and Qutb, they were in the position of a minority facing a majority. They were rejecting the terminology of the majority. It was termed then as jahiliyyah vs. Islam – ignorance vs. Islam. It was the psychology of their position at that time. They were facing persecution, severe repression by the regime, by their own Muslim leaders.

But things have changed with history. As in Turkey, Tunisia and Egypt, we do not have problems with democratic principles but not all of the models offered.

What are the  main principles of governance of the democratic models? Ethics should be governing the models as enjoined b y Islamic tradition. Muslims should respect the principles, layout the models which should fit the reality of their country, their narrative, their history, their culture, their citizens. Every country is different, has its own diversity, its own collective psychology.

Let us go beyond simplistic terminologies and principles, a liberating process from imposed terminology, looking at the substance of the word.

There are six critical principles of Islam in governance:-

1. Rule of Law

Whether in legal, fiqh, relationships are based on contracts, agreements and rules. As citizens we work within the system. Within the system, we may struggle for more justice, go for law reform, in order to improve the dignity of the country.

Philosophically, we need the presence of a counter power, for that is the way for principled human beings.

2. Equal Citizenship

Equality for every single citizen of whatever background. We are a pluralistic society, which we must be willing to accept and realise. A society with diverse cultural and religious background, politically as well. Every citizen of any origin should be equated by law.

Upon his arrival in Madinah, the Prophet s.a.w. addressed the Jews by saying, “You are part of us (our community – ummah), you have rights as we have”.

There should be no discrimination. We have to unify in a nation. Get a Malaysian narrative, a common history, everyone must be part of the narrative, everyone must be a citizen and be part of the nation. This binds us.

3. Universal Suffrage

The right to vote, the right to determine that the one who leads has the support of the majority.

4. Accountability

This is best shown by the example of the first caliph Abu Bakr who enjoined the people to follow him if he was right but to correct him if he was wrong.

It means that the mandate belongs to the people, the leader has to go back to the people. There cannot be just passive citizens waiting for leaders to die, only to have leadership inherited by their children in waiting, but by active citizens who make leaders  accountable.

5. Separation of Powers

This is well illustrated by the example of the fourth caliph Ali losing his case (property claim) in front of a truly independent judge.

6. Proper Structures of Authority within the State

Secularism was bad experience for colonised Muslim countries. Colonizers came to divide and rule. In the Arab states, secularism was used to control freedom and repress people. The state decides the religion and thus controls religion and suppresses religious resistance to colonisation and then onto the autocratic regimes that came later.

We have to differentiate the authority of the fundamental pillars, the qat’iy, aqidah, ibadah and the prohibitions which are not disputed and of authority on high. Then there are the masalih, which needs consensus, syura, which are the challenged and contemporary models in the public sphere.

Anything in the public sphere must be dealt with an ethical position. In secular models, there can be immorality in politics. We want ethics in politics, a moralising economy – we cannot accept Machiavellian models in politics. We have common and contemporary values – a common ground with everyone in ethics. These values can be shared with everyone. We need to reconcile ethics and democracies. Religious principles are connected but are not to be  confused.

We do not want to divorce state and ethics. We do not want religion  to be replaced by economic powers who then make decisions for the nation. We do not want lobbyists, MNC’s and those with money to determine the state.

Islam and Human Rights

In the beginning, Muslim countries and Islamist parties are dismissive of the discourse on human rights. But the principles of karamah insan is itself a declaration of human rights. Muslims are apprehensive of the intention of human rights declarations which infringe religion.  But we have to look at the substance.

Take the example of Gandhi, when he was asked to support the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, he took some time to reply, and in replying said, “ my mother reminded me that for every right, there is a duty”.

We are the vicegerents on earth, we do not own it, we only are representatives. We have responsibilities and rights. We have commitments and obligations to society. We have to have dignity and respect for humankind. In upholding our rights, we should not impose and infringe upon others.

I tell you, you have to start with yourself and your duties. As an example. It is totally unacceptable to allow the detentions in Guantanamo to go on. And how come it is ok when Arabs are killed but not acceptable when it is an American. These are double standards. We must be serious with humanity. This is the problem of the human rights philosophy and we should not be apologetic about it.

Conclusion

We need to come with a vision for the future. It should not be a defensive discourse only in saying that we are OK with democracy and human rights. As one Turkish politician was once asked whether he was an Islamist, he cleverly replied that he was a Muslim democrat.

How do we truly implement critical democratic principles?

1. Education

Ignorance and illiteracy are not possible for a thriving democracy. We need to do much more in education, to generate dignified citizens and not only to produce efficient workers. There has to be know how and dignity.

2. Cultural Dimension

In terms of empowerment, for instance, women are not asked the dress they are wearing but the level of education they achieve.

3. Freedom of Speech and the Freedom of Expression

4. Changing the Economy

Changing the way we deal with the economy. We need to be aware of the changing shift of the economic gravity to the East. It is going to be a multipolar world economically.

(sketch notes by abuomar_asia@yahoo.com, Traders Hotel 17/7/2012)

Egypt: Staying the Course for Freedom

For far too long the Egyptians and the Arabs of the region have held themselves in contempt. The Arab people cowered under the tyranny of the nizam – the regimes. The regimes ruled by fear and favour. Eradicating opposition and dissidents while pouring out gratifications to supporters, fattening first families and cronies, and ensuring strong military support. The regimes kept a false facade of resistance and confronting imperialism in the guise of Western and Israeli designs but kept back channels open to enrich themselves and their cronies extending their life support system for their misrule. The poorer regimes were funded and sustained by funnels of money, aid and other means by those they declared as enemies of Arabs.

The military which should be safeguarding defences and borders were busy suppressing the population, deeply involved  in politics and enriching themselves.

The regimes stifle freedom, progress and creativity of their own nations. The intelligentsia ,  people possessing cultural and political influence are driven away migrating mostly to the West. They include professionals, academics, businessmen and clerics. These are welcomed by their host countries but are sadly rejected by their own regimes. The Arab people on the street could only grumble and murmur in their disappointment.

Every Arab knows the mukhabarat, the feared gruesome secret police, the state intelligence operatives who spy and spook their own citizens into submission. Their dark cells and dungeons are filled with those who oppose, who seek freedom, who question corruption and anyone the regime simply has suspicions. In these dark cells of Egypt many were tortured, which some believe to have led to those few emerging from them bringing radicalism and extremism to the fore. 

But out of these tormenting prisons also came the resilient Muslim Brotherhood, who persevered and maintained their principles and their moderation even under the most extreme provocations and persecution. They were driven underground but still managed to sustain their organization, their resolve and their commitment to the cause. They attracted a large pool of professionals as well as keeping in touch with people on the streets with their projects and their welfare. Their movement and their programs kept people aware, informed and above all, having hope, faith and belief in themselves,  and in a higher order of life much more distinct then living under a crooked regime.

When Morsi became president of Egypt, he immediately laid the gambit. He called for  parliament to convene. By doing so, he is establishing that he is not a stooge nor a stool pigeon of SCAF or the former regime. He is not double dealing with the intransigent military chiefs who have had good lives and all the privileges that common Egyptians never had. Detractors of Ikhwan would use doublespeak to accuse the parliament of being “stacked” with Ikhwan members but these were freely elected MPs who deserve to be in the assembly.

Every commentator on Egyptian affairs predicts a stand off between Morsi and Ikhwan vs SCAF and the old institutions packed with regime appointees. But it is actually the Egyptian people against all those who stand against freedom and liberation. It depends on whether more and more Egyptians are enlightened and liberated in sustaining the cause of freedom. After all these difficult months, whether the people are already tired of walking and demonstrating in Medan Tahrir, the freedom square. Whether they have the will to stay the cause, to overcome their own debilitating regard to determine their own lives and to shake off fully away from the clutches of the old decrepit regime.

EGYPT’S DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH

Scott MacLeod, Cairo Review of Global Affairs

Mohammed Morsi's victory over Ahmed Shafik in the Egyptian presidential election is a political triumph for the Muslim Brotherhood, a banned organization for most of the years since the country became a republic in 1953. It is likewise an important victory for Egyptian and Middle East democracy. Having edged perilously close to the brink of political chaos in recent weeks, due to repeated bungling of the transition process, Egypt has taken a very significant stride forward.

Morsi and his group have earned a substantial role in Egyptian public life. The Muslim Brotherhood has borne the brunt of state repression throughout the regimes of Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak. Its leaders and members persevered against difficult odds. They managed to create a strong grassroots movement that provided social services and gave a voice to the voiceless. They provided some hope during long, dark years when Egyptian presidents offered none. In the face of intolerable state violence spanning decades, the Brothers remained tolerant. They eschewed violence and exhibited super human patience.

Thus, for Morsi, a U.S.-educated engineer, and the Brotherhood, the results are a spectacular political achievement, attached with profound symbolism. After 60 years of military rule upholding secular values, Egypt has elected the first civilian president in its history, and its first Islamist president, too. Morsi's victory is testimony to the Brotherhood's ability to mobilize Egyptians against a deeply entrenched political system, and to convince Egyptians that its candidate was the most capable of taking the helm after Mubarak's removal from power. If it rises to its responsibilities, the Brotherhood can be the hope of Egypt and of the Arab Spring.

The reason why Morsi's win is also a triumph for Egyptian and Arab democracy is because of the critical, historic choice it represents. When Egyptians went to the polls in the June 16-17 runoff election, they were not primarily voting between a military candidate and an Islamist candidate. They were choosing between the past and the future: a continuation of the 60-year-old Egyptian military regime, or a new system built on genuine democratic participation.

Shafik is a man of doubtless abilities, having served as air force commander, minister of civil aviation, and, finally, as Mubarak's last prime minister. Yet, Shafik's resume was more a liability than an asset in a country raising thundering demands for change. The millions who chose Shafik wished that his iron fist and close ties to the military could restore stability. His supporters are disappointed by the results, but that is nothing compared to the rage that would have been expressed by millions of Egyptians demanding an end to six decades of military rule if Shafik had won. At worst, the perception of an election stolen by the military might have edged Egypt toward an Algeria scenario; that country experienced a terrible civil war triggered in 1991 when the military abruptly canceled elections Islamists were poised to win.

By contrast, the Morsi victory is the kind of outcome that elections in a democracy are supposed to produce-a winner who finds himself in a political arena that promotes and requires negotiation, compromise, concession and conciliation for the greater good of the nation. During the previous era, when Mubarak regularly received 90 percent of the votes, elections were nothing more than a farcical means of legitimizing the continuation of a state security regime. Any negotiation with other sectors of society- it occurred rarely-was on the regime's terms. That is what led to the absolute ossification of Egyptian life, and, eventually, a revolution.

Instead, Morsi and the Brotherhood will find themselves in perpetual negotiation with all of Egypt's players-with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Salafists, Coptic Christians, liberals, and even with Shafik and his supporters. The process formally began last week, when Morsi announced the formation of a national political front and proposed the establishment of a national unity government. These moves underline the Brotherhood's understanding of democratic concepts like consensus building and inclusiveness.

It is clear to most Egyptians that Morsi is doomed to fail if he turns out to be a president who represents only the Brothers.  Or, if he thinks the Brotherhood could or should somehow hijack a revolution that involves a wide cross section of Egyptians. Many Egyptians have serious and valid questions about the Brotherhood's abilities, policies, and intentions-on issues from women's rights and the role of religion in the state to readiness for foreign investment and other forms of cooperation with outsiders. (Let's not forget, though, the problems Egyptians had with the former regime that led them to revolt last year-political repression, police torture, corruption, appalling medical care, horrendous education system, the list goes on.)

The importance of representing all Egyptians can't be lost on Morsi or his group's strategists. In the parliamentary elections earlier this year, the Brotherhood's political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party, garnered an impressive 10.1 million votes. In the first round of presidential balloting just five months later, however, Morsi, the Brotherhood candidate, won only 5.7 million-a downward slump indicating strong disillusionment with the Islamists' performance in office. If we suppose that those 5.7 million voters constitute the Brotherhood's core of diehard support, then Morsi's 13.2 million total in the runoff election means that he gained the backing of 7.7 million Egyptians who can easily desert the Brotherhood and vote for an alternative the next time.

Morsi will need all the negotiating and consensus building skills he can muster in the weeks and months ahead. Despite Morsi's victory-and  SCAF's evident and necessary acquiescence in allowing it to stand-Egypt's revolution is hardly finished. The ruling generals are showing extreme reluctance to hand over power to elected civilians by July 1 as they once pledged to do. In the midst of the presidential campaigning, SCAF enforced a court ruling dissolving the Islamist-controlled parliament, issued a decree granting the military executive powers and sharply curbing the authority of the new president, and gave itself a central role in approving a new constitution being drafted by a 100-member constituent assembly. Morsi's challenge is to use his powerful mandate as Egypt's first popularly elected leader to guide all Egyptians, including the reluctant generals, into a democratic future.

Scott MacLeod is managing editor of the Cairo Review of Global Affairs and is a professor in the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy at the American University in Cairo

Anwar Ibrahim – Kebebasan : Kesenjangan dan Penjajaran

Political Disconnect

Kritikan terhadap mana-mana parti politik adalah tentang kesejengangan – disconnect  kerana apa yang diandaikan oleh ahli politik tidak semestinya menjadi hakikat di bawah, bukan menjadi realiti di lapangan. Ia tidak mencerminkan hasrat dan aspirasi rakyat. Ini memerlukan satu perubahan, satu kebangkitan.

Oleh itu, kita harus mempertahankan tradisi keilmuan dan tarbiyyah.  Aspek ini tidak begitu ketara dihebahkan sekarang. Samada teks klasikal atau harakiy, kita berkeupayaan menerobos dan selesa dengan semua teks yang kontemporari dan semasa. Kekuatan kita adalah kemampuan untuk berada bersama dengan kalangan minda semasa – mengamati trend-trend berbeda seperti Hossein Nasr, al Attas, Faruqi atau Pak Natsir.

Keistimewaan ABIM adalah keselesaannya dengan semua trend – Ikhwan, Jamaat dan Masyumi. Kita mengambil sikap terbuka dan inklusif. Kita belajar daripada sarjana dan filasuf pemikir-pemikir Islam yang di luar dan yang tidak terkait dengan gerakan Islam – nama-nama yang masih belum dipopularkan di waktu itu seperti Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi dan Muhammad Iqbal.  ABIM mempopularkan semua trend.

Ini merupakan asas perkembangan intelektualisme pertama dalam tanah air. Teman-teman rumuskan dan kita syarahkan. Kita bincang idea-idea Malek ben Nabi dan Ali Shariati. Tokoh-tokoh ini mungkin tidak cocok antara satu sama lain seperti perbedaan di antara Nasr dan Shariati tetapi itulah perbahasan intelektual. Kita juga membaca dan menelaah buku-buku di luar lingkungan Islam seperti Illich, Fanon dan Freri yang kemudiannya menjadi trend seperti buku Pedagogy of the Oppressed.

Generasi 70an dan 80an sungguh luar biasa. Budaya ilmu digarap dan dihidupkan melalui usrah-usrah. Teks dan reference yang digunakan lebih daripada biasa dikendalikan oleh organisasi lain. Keilmuan inilah yang memperkuatkan gerakan.

Pengisian Kebangkitan dan Kebebasan

Tentang fenomena the Arab Spring - al rabi’ al arabi, Profesor Yusuf al Qaradawi menegaskan penggunaan istilah yang lebih tepat iaitu thaurah sya’b – revolusi rakyat. Prof Qaradawi menfatwakan supaya umat bangkit menentang kezaliman dan membela kebebasan.  Qaradawi menggariskan empat perkara yang dijamin dalam syariat iaitu huriyyah, izzah, karamah dan 'adalah – kebebasan, pemerkasaan, kemuliaan manusia dan keadilan pada khutbah Jumaatnya  di  Medan Tahrir, Kahirah di hadapan berjuta umat sempena thaurah sya’b.

Ada dua perkembangan dunia masakini yang perlu difahami:-

i. Thaurah Sya’b

ii. Occupy Wall Street

Thaurah Sya’b berteraskan Islam dan kebebasan. Pandangan rencana pengarang AWSJ tentang peranan media baru atau rangkaian sosial perlu diteliti dengan kritis. The role of social network is overrated...it is actually the masjids and the musallas. Ini bermakna yang menjadi asas kekuatan adalah usrah dan komitmen. Mesej Facebook sahaja tidak cukup tanpa disertai mesej gerakan dan iltizamnya. Peranan masjid dan usrah sangat sentral. FB hanya pemerataan dan penyebaran luas maklumat. Ikhwan pula memberikan mesej ideologi dan pengisian yang jelas. Media baru tidak akan relevan tanpa penglibatan harakah.

Occupy Wall Street is the disillusionment with capitalism, with the complicity of the rich with elite politicians. Hilang percaya dengan kapitalisme dan persekongkolan golongan kaya raya dengan ahli politik elit. Ia merupakan kekecewaan dengan penyelewengan ekonomi berasaskan pasaran. Ekonomi pasaran berjaya mencatat pertumbuhan tetapi tiada keadilan. Apabila berlaku krisis, yang kaya masih terselamat dan yang miskin terus merempat.

Peringatan kepada peristiwa malapetaka kapal Titanic  - obsesi dan keangkuhan dengan pemacuan berkuasa besar,  negara dibawa tanpa tanggungjawab; pemimpin – samada kapten, presiden atau perdana menteri menolak pandangan orang-orang pintar tanpa mempedulikan bahaya dan bencana. Apabila Titanic tenggelam –atau ekonomi merudum, orang-orang kaya dek atas yang diselamatkan manakala yang papa di dek bawah dibiarkan saja.

Tentang kesenjangan seperti ini, Shaikh Rashid al Ghanousi telah menjemput (Anwar Ibrahim) bertemu dengan ahli-ahli parlimen Tunisia untuk memberikan pandangan bagaimana untuk mempertahankan prinsip dalam keadaan perbedaan – a serious discourse in a coalition of contentious forces. Perbincangan berlegar bagaimana kebebasan dan keadilan itu diterjemahkan ke dalam kepedulian market economy dan menginsafi derita rakyat. Prinsip kebebasan, pemerkasaan, kemuliaan insan dan keadilan mesti dipertahankan.

Memang kita berwaspada persekongkolan elit ekonomi – politik.  Selepas perubahan, it cannot be business as usual – bukan urusan cara lazim lagi. There has to be a juxtaposition of values and ideas – penjajaran idea dan nilai. Pakatan Rakyat akan hanya relevan jika ada pembaharuan nilai dan polisi kepada sistem – supaya tiada lagi pembaziran dan ketirisan.  Kita memberi peringatan bahawa perjuangan tidak selesai hanya dengan PR menang.

Kita ambil iktibar pengalaman Indonesia menghadapi ketiadaan ketokohan kepimpinan yang dapat menyatukan, kesenjangan ketara di antara kaya dan miskin, gejala rasuah yang masih parah walaupun nampak ditangani berhadapan kelemahan kepimpinan. Keadaan ini semacam sama dengan negara-negara Eropah Timor sehinggakan rakyat di sana mengeluh penderitaan mereka dengan ungkapan, “biar regim korup asalkan ada makanan” – seolah mereka rela kembalinya regim komunis autokrat.

Pada Thaurah Sya’b, rakyat tuntut kebebasan dan pada Occupy Wall Street, rakyat lihat kebebasan belum boleh jamin keadilan. Kita perlu meletakkan kedua-dua ini supaya tiada disconnect, kedua-dua perlu disejajarkan nilai dan polisinya.

Pesanan kepada Anak-Anak Muda

Kita harus berpesan kepada anak-anak muda supaya merenungi dan meneliti firman Allah swt dalam surah al-Kahfi, ayat 13-14. Mereka anak  muda punya tenaga, punya semangat membara. Mereka tidak rela melihat kerosakan dan kebobrokan yang tidak bertanggungjawab oleh para penguasa.

“Kami ceritakan kepadamu (Muhammad) kisah mereka dengan sebenar-benarnya. sesungguhnya mereka adalah pemuda-pemuda yang beriman kepada Rabb mereka, dan kami tambahkan lagi hidayah (petunjuk) kepada mereka. Dan kami teguhkan hati mereka tatkala mereka berdiri (menghadap raja yang zalim), ‘Rabb kami ialah Rabb pentadbir langit dan bumi, dan kami tidak memohon kepada selain Dia. Sesungguhnya, kalau kami berbuat demikian, tentu kami telah mengucapkan perkataan yang sangat jauh daripada kebenaran’”

(TQ3G  Mei 2012)

Bahagian 1 Ucapan Dasar WADAH Pulau Pinang

Ucapan Dasar Muktamar Wadah Pencerdasan Umat 10 Julai 2011 di Bangunan ABIM Negeri Pulau Pinang, Sg Gelugor oleh Dr Hj Wan Salim Mohd Noor, Pengerusi WADAH Cawangan Pulau Pinang

Apa erti perjuangan - kenapa WADAH perjuangan yang relevan dan mesti dipertahankan

Isu utama - integriti dan keadilan sosial dalam Islam - adalah isu penggerak utama Musim Bunga Arab - the Arab Spring - cita-cita terpedam lama rakyat untuk bebas, menentukan masa depan sendiri, adil dan saksama, tiada lagi dibelenggu penindasan, hipokrasi dan kezaliman pemerintah kuku besi.

Islam, umat Islam dan ulama mesti tampil dan berada di tempatnya - bersama memperjuangkan integriti dan keadilan sosial - being on the right side of history and attaining the moral high ground.

Apabila Mufti Mesir berfatwa khusus di kemuncak kebangkitan rakyat Mesir di Kahirah bahawa solat Jumaat tidak digalakkan pada hari perhimpunan terbesar tersebut atas alasan mudharat dan membahayakan - rakyat tidak mengindahkannya malah mereka menyahut seruan Prof Yusuf al Qaradawi yang berfatwa sebaliknya supaya rakyat membanjiri kota. Akhirnya, Prof al Qaradawi yang diberi penghormatan berkhutbah dan mengimamkan solat Jumaat ribuan jamaah di Medan Tahrir setelah kebangkitan rakyat berjaya dan Mubarak diusir.

Begitulah sepertimana dinukilkan dalam buku seorang aktivis kemanusiaan tentang nasibnya apabila ada Mufti yang mengharuskan penahanan tanpa bicara. Mufti yang sama juga mengharuskan solat Jumaat tidak wajib bagi banduan di Kem Tahanan tersebut.

Tugas kita adalah mencerdaskan umat - menerangkan kebenaran - mencerahkan minda - mengajak umat memilih supaya bersama dengan cita-cita memperjuangkan Islam.

Peranan dan relevannya gerakan kita adalah untuk pembaikan umat, mencelikkan dan mencerdaskan umat, mengislah manusia dengan menyampaikan risalah. Kekuatan kita, rujukan kita, paksi dan sumber sentiasa kembali kepada Allah swt.

Metamyth dan Megadeath

Sekarang masa fitnah dan pembohongan besar-besaran dengan pembunuhan umat secara terang-terangan melalui angkara keganasan dan pencerobohan.

Nampaknya, musuh Islam berjaya melalui propaganda terang-terangan, komplot jahat dan pergerakan halus untuk menyisihkan Islam dan gerakan Islam daripada arus perdana serta supaya kita sentiasa dicurigai - menyamakan sebarang nilai, budaya, usaha, pembaharuan dan perancangan Islam kepada extremisme dan terorisme.

Senario Semasa

Penyelewengan ekonomi, mengaut keuntungan secara rakus, kegiatan ekonomi tidak halal, eksploitasi dan monopoli membelit satu kitaran sistem ekonomi yang tidak adil dan korup. Kekayaan dibolot sendiri, kaum kerabat serta kroni sementara kerugian diagihkan pula kepada rakyat.

Politik jahat diamalkan berleluasa tanpa berperikemanusiaan - rasuah, pembohongan, penipuan, fitnah keji menjadi tabiat dan sebati dengan kepimpinan yang tidak beramanah.

Maklumat dan penerangan yang penuh berisi propaganda durjana - naba fasiq - diluahkan dan disebarkan bertalu-talu melalui media cetak, radio dan TV tanpa segan silu.

Ulama, autoriti dan ilmu nampak seperti ditundukkan dan seolah kehilangan kedudukan moral tingginya - Religion - ulama and knowledge losing the moral high ground. Ada yang mengundurkan diri, ada yang merasakan tidak perlu tahu dan tidak ambil peduli atas alasan penumpuan kepada hal yang lebih besar ummah. Sikap membisu dan kelu berdepan dengan kezaliman dan kemungkaran adalah akibat ilmu ditundukkan oleh kuasa.

Rakan lama dan sahabat handai diracuni fikiran sehingga bertelagah, keliru dan terjerat dengan lilitan fitnah - friends and comrades are at loggerheads, confused and caught up in a web of elaborate deceit, exploitation and misinformation.

Kejahatan yang dibiarkan membuahkan kejahatan yang lebih besar - itulah fitnah. Ramai pula tidak sedar bahawa jika bukan kerana limpah kurnia dan rahmat Allah swt di dunia dan di akhirat, maka semua akan di azab. Kita bersyukur kerana masih ada yang melakukan islah.

Usaha da'wah dan tarbiyyah pula agak kurang menyerlah dan lesu dalam menangani kemelut akhlak dan moral ini - bagi mengembali menegakkan keadilan dan kebenaran. Fitnah, pemalsuan, sumpah palsu, korupsi telah menular dan berlaku secara terang-terangan tanpa penentangan autoritatif.

Soalan yang diajukan kelompok liberal dan aktivis hak asasi adalah betulkan Islam dan ulama Islam memerangi rasuah dan korupsi. Mereka mempersoalkan betulkah Islam dan ulama Islam mendokong sepenuhnya keadilan dan integriti?

WADAH mencadangkan penubuhan nadwah ulama' bagi menangani pendapat-pendapat ulama' agar mengimbangi keadaan supaya lebih autoritatif.

Asas Perjuangan WADAH

Menurut Dr Siddiq Fadil, kita semua bersepakat bertemu atas dasar perkongsian satu keyakinan bukan satu kebetulan. Yang dinamakan perjuangan itu bertolak daripada satu keyakinan. Jika tidak diasaskan kepada satu keyakinan bukanlah perjuangan.

Kita ikut berjuang dalam wadah ABIM kerana ABIM diyakini wasilah cita-cita pendaulatan Islam melalui strategi da’wah dan tarbiyyah. Strategi inilah yang paling efektif untuk membina umat.

(al Fussilat:33) : “ Siapakah yang lebih baik perkataannya daripada orang yang menyeru kepada Allah, mengerjakan amal yang salih dan berkata: “Sesungguhnya aku termasuk orang-orang berserah diri”.”

Pilihan inilah yang tepat – dai’, pejuang da’wah – profesion terbaik dan termulia. "Sekali orang da’wah, selamanya orang da’wah." Mana-mana wadah yang kita sertai pengisiannya – “substance”nya tetap da’a ilallah. Keputusan-keputusan penyertaan politik pun bertujuan untuk membawa mesej yang sama - melakukan tajdid islahi. Itulah pilihan tepat dan tidak berubah.

Pendidikan umat, pencerdasan bangsa, umat terdidik akan melahirkan pimpinan berkualiti. Kerja ini menjemukan, membosankan dan mengambil waktu yang sangat panjang tetapi tidak ada pilihan melainkan bersama umat di akar umbi –“grassroots”. Kerana perubahan harus datang daripada umat. Perubahan tidak semestinya datang daripada atas. Tetapi ia boleh berlaku daripada bawah. Kalau tidak boleh berlaku daripada pihak atasan maka perubahan seharusnya berlaku daripada bawah. Lebih mudah jika datang daripada atas tetapi kita tidak harus menunggu kerana ia boleh berlaku dari arah lain.

Kalau umat itu berkualiti akan muncullah pemimpin berkualiti. Pemimpin yang hampas akan lahir daripada umat yang hampas. Kita tidak boleh jemu-jemu mengakar ke bawah tetapi tetap berpaut ke “atas” iaitu kepada Allah s.w.t. Mengakar dengan tidak putus daripada yang “atas”. “Live with people to know their problems, live with God to solve them.” Kita harus sentiasa kembali kepada Allah s.w.t. Kita harus melakukan taqarrub. Ini sangat penting dan selalu diabaikan. Kita harus meLakukan amal ibadat yang menghampirkan kita kepada Allah s.w.t. Kita perlukan petunjuk ketuhanan. Kita harus kembali apabila berdepan dengan masalah. Apabila bertembung masalah manusia, masa itulah kita kena kembali kepada Allah s.w.t.

“(iaitu) orang-orang yang apabila ditimpa musibah, mereka mengucapkan “Innalillahi wa inna ilahi raji’un” (Sesungguhnya kami adalah milik Allah dan kepadaNyalah kami kembali.” (al Baqarah: 156)

Kita ingin mengembalikan umat kepada Islam – masyarakat religious dan serious menghayati agama. Apa lagi pada zaman yang semuanya kebendaan dan sekular. Kita ingin melihat agama sebagai kekuatan kemanusiaan – “humanizing force” di tengah-tengah tamaddun kebendaan. Kembali sebagai kekuatan pentamaddunan – “civilizing force”. Kita ingin melihat agama berfungsi sebagaimana sepatutnya – masyarakat beragama dan bertaqwa – “religious and God-conscious”. Masyarakat yang berkesedaran tinggi untuk mencari keredaan Allah s.w.t.

Apa saja tindakan berlaku dalam keadaan dhikrullah. Prihatin – “conscious” terhadap perintah-perintah dan larangan-larangan Allah s.w.t.

Perjuangan ini memerlukan kesabaran – membela umat ini memakan masa yang panjang, ia bermakna membina generasi. Lihat kisah Nabi Musa a.s. membina Bani Israil. Nabi Musa a.s. dengan kecerdasannya telah dibantu oleh saudaranya Nabi Harun a.s. dengan kepetahannya. Tetapi mereka tidak dapat membina umat sepertimana yang diinginkan dan disangkakan. Bani Israil boleh berhijrah secara fisikal tetapi tidak boleh berubah jiwa seperti diinginkan. Kaum ini tidak boleh berubah kerana telah hilang semangat perjuangan – “lost their fighting spirit”. Mereka terima sajalah apa yang adanya. Bangsa yang telah hilang daya juangnya tidak boleh menyahut laungan “Lawan Tetap Lawan!” Kerosakan yang berlaku tidak dapat diperbaiki hatta dibawah pimpinan Nabi Musa a.s. dan Nabi Harun a.s. Ia terpaksa mengambil masa yang lama, 40 tahun, satu tempoh bagi membina generasi baru yang terdidik di tengah-tengah padang pasir yang terik – hanya yang mempunyai daya juang sahaja yang “survive”.

Bagaimana pula dengan anak-anak dan adik-adik kita yang dimanja-manjakan? Program sekarang di hotel-hotel berbintang bukan di bangku-bangku sekolah rakyat seperti kita dahulu. Generasi bapa-bapa kita pun lebih kuat daripada kita.

kita harus sedar bahawa yang kita perjuangkan adalah satu yang tidak disukai ramai, tidak popular – idealisme, kejujuran, keikhlasan, ketaqwaan. Berdepan pula dengan generasi baru – Astro, Akademi Fantasia, Raja Lawak, Facebook. Ini bukan generasi kita – mereka mempunyai alam sendiri dan keasyikan sendiri. Beranikah kita tampil dengan seruan yang tidak popular di tengah-tengah masyarakat seperti ini?

Untuk tampil membawa sesuatu yang rasanya tidak popular. Itukah maksudnya hadith ghuraba': “Islam datang sebagai orang dagang dan kembali sebagai orang dagang?” Ada orang berpesan bahawa kalau hendak berjaya dalam perjuangan, jangan ikut semua kehendak orang. “I do not know the way to success but the way to failure is to please everyone.” Ibarat konduktor orkestra – dia fokus kepada orkestranya dengan membelakangkan penonton. Misinya tercapai apabila orkestra bermain lagu dengan tepat.

Satu lagi isu adalah Global Capitalism dengan segala akibatnya politik dan ekonomi. Apa yang disebutkan sebagai “Global capitalism and the death of democracy” - adalah di mana gejala kerakusan menyebabkan berlaku fenomena privatizing profits and socializing losses - lambang korupsi bermaharajalela.

Berhadapan dengan segala cabaran ini menghendaki kesungguhan. Kesungguhan adalah prasyarat perjuangan. Bukan yang mati atau yang setengah hati. “No half heartedness”. Berkesungguhan belum tentu berjaya tetapi yang separuh hati pasti gagal.

Bina keperibadian, keluarga dan rakan taulan

Menurut Dr Siddiq Fadil lagi, di samping ditujukan kepada kawan-kawan yang merasakan dirinya sudah tua, dipesan agar mengingatkan ayat :

(al tawbah: 41):-

“Berangkatlah kamu baik dalam merasa ringan atau merasa berat, dan berjihadlah dengan harta dan dirimu di jalan Allah. Yang demikian itu adalah lebih baik bagimu jika kamu mengetahui.”

Berjuang itu rupa-rupanya harus dilaksanakan dalam keadaan mana sekalipun berat ataupun ringan – tidak mengira kesihatan, umur, kewangan, kelapangan seterusnya...

Seorang sahabat telah tidak pernah terlepas untuk bersama berperang mengikut Rasulullah s.a.w., Abu Bakar, Umar dan dia ikut berperang sehingga zaman selepasnya. Anak-anaknya merayu kepadanya, “Biarlah kami saja yang turut berperang kerana bapa sudah tua.” Bapa mereka pun membaca ayat ini seraya berkata, “Ayat ini tidak mengecualikan sesiapa saja!”

Tidak ada pengecualian dalam perjuangan samada tua, uzur, darah tinggi, kencing manis dan lain-lain….

(bersambung)