While imprisoned in one of
Egypt's darkest eras, Sayyid Qutb's emotion of his writing reflects the
physical torture he experienced and the psychological torture that resulted
from the murder of fellow Brotherhood members. Readings of In the Shade of the Qur'an reflects his disappointment that a
military government could mistreat thousands of members of the Muslim Brotherhood
without fear of popular recourse.
Fast forward to today, a military
installed government has once again massacred its own citizens and seems to be
able to get away with it just because the victims are the Muslim Brotherhood
and its supporters. Whether they are unarmed, peaceful demonstrators, women or children,
a congregation in prayer, they were shot and killed. 200 killed and 4500
wounded and not a sound bite from Muslim governments or Western democrats. Only
Turkey stood out clearly denouncing such gross criminality.
Looking back at the past, an
event which strongly influenced Sayyid Qutb's joining the Muslim Brotherhood
was what he witnessed while being hospitalised in the US. It was the ecstatic
reception given in America to the news of the assassination, on February 12
1949, of Imam Hasan al-Banna, able and charismatic founder of the organization.
American media were shamelessly and enthusiastically cheering the murder of an
Egyptian reformer and resistance leader against British colonialism.
Now, it is as if nothing has
changed for "mumsy" Katie Ashton of the EU was flown in By Egypt's
ruling junta to meet illegally abducted and secretly detained President Morsi.
Something Dr Morsi's family or lawyers are not able to do. Western diplomats
come and go freely meeting whoever they like in Egypt and discussing thus intervening
in its internal politics albeit with flimsy denials.
It is easy to conclude as Sayyid
Qutb did that a regime unprecedented in its ruthlessness had come to power in
Egypt and that the primary problem was covert foreign influence together with
the almost total absence of social justice. It is becoming the total usurpation
of power by forces intensely hostile to Islamists.
Extremist secular detractors like
to dismiss and brush off the cruel and inhumane treatment of the Muslim
Brotherhood as the "mehnah -
tribulation narrative". It is as if the Muslim Brotherhood cherish such
terrifying and torturous ordeals and blood sacrifice just to remain relevant
and popular.
But what is it that sustains the
Muslim Brotherhood even as it undergoes severe persecution and brutal purges.
Looking at the Ikhwan's political
front and development over years, the ijtihadiy
aspect, the reasoning and ideological deliberations show an extraordinary
resolve to survive, to adapt and evolve.
The details of the founding and
early history of the Muslim Brotherhood reveal that it is poised to a highly
adaptive political creature, weathering the permutations of ordinary parties
and experiencing crises.
They promulgated various political
platforms and economic programs until aborted by the repressive Nasser regime. Ikhwan
was officially dissolved and its leadership and members underwent years of long
imprisonment, some faced execution and others fled into exile - while Nasser
swore to completely extinguish its existence. Gamal Nasser was said to have
pledged to eradicate Ikhwan while visiting Moscow in the Soviet era.
But the Ikhwan's prison
generation, re-emerged and re-entered the political landscape. It was somehow able
to sustain engagement with an oppressive regime state and its institutions, and
was capable to compete with political forces. It still had an intact organizational
structure.
With the advent of younger
participation, the Ikhwan mastered electoralism and the politics of adaptation.
It thrived within the authoritarian regime's de facto toleration although the
regime never allowed its legalization. The Ikhwan adopted self preservation techniques
and an electioneering strategy. In 1984 its general guide, Umar Tilmisany saw
an opportunity of a lifetime to contest parliamentary elections - remarking
that if they let it slip from their
hands, they would be among the neglectful. The Ikhwan became adept at creating
political alliances and pacts in facing regime's electoral engineering and
lopsided manipulations. They either contested as independents or engaged and
cooperated with the Wafd and Labour parties.
Ikhwan then became the leading
electoral contestant even though it was a not a level political playing field. They
performed in parliament with the block's biggest interpellations (legislative
questioning) outshining their coalition partners.
In 1987, the Ikhwan extolled the
concept of al tahaluf al islamiy - an Islamist led alliance...with the
slogan - tatbiq wa taqnin - introduction and codification of Islamic laws.
As was usual they faced familiar
election rituals whereby hundreds of
Ihkwan's leaders and candidates were arrested just before elections.
Its then subsequent general guide
Mustafa Masyhur inspiringly said, "We must benefit from the experience of
elections for our future, for an election is an art with its own rules,
expertise and requirements, and we must push those who have given up on
reforming this nation, push them to get rid of this pessimism."
Ikhwan won their seats due to
their superior organizational skills, ability to get out the votes, their
proven track record and transparent
management of associations. It was not covert infiltration but sheer hard work
campaigning and a generous network of post election services to the community.
Ikhwan's opponents taunted it by
using unfounded allegations of take over and manipulations. Ikhwan was
ridiculed as such that they make sham democrats and that they would be untrustworthy
political contestants because they refer to immutable sacred texts. The Ikhwan
were portrayed as avid theocrats.
It seems that when it comes to
democracy, the Muslim Brothers are subjected to higher moral standards that
other players. It is as they are the only authoritarians in an assembly of true
and tried democrats.
But their performance in
parliament, the issues that they engaged, their quality of debate showed their
political acumen, articulative skills and
grasp of the problems beyond mere theocracy. They were seen as Muslim
democrats.
So is it just astonishing political skills and grasp of
ijtihadiy - contemporary reasoning that sustain the Muslim Brotherhood?
Professor Muhammad Qutb writes
that In the Shade of the Qur’an is
the fruit of the most productive years of its author’s intellectual life, and
at the same time, a vivid expression of the sacred battle which he fought and
which culminated in his martyrdom in 1966. Muhammad Qutb further notes that if the Qur’an
is read in a sort of passive, detached state one is sure to miss a lot of its
indications and purposes. But when one reads it while being actually involved
in the cause to revive and reform the religion and the testimony of faith,
one’s heart shall open to receive its meanings which would otherwise have
missed, and draw inferences of which one was totally unaware. A unique Quranic
generation. A generation sticking to its ideals of truth, real freedom,
compassion, perseverance and justice.
(Some parts adapted and edited from Mona El Ghobashy, The Metamorphosis of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers)
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